The Ledger
The Record · Arm One

Colfax 1873

Grant Parish, Louisiana

The deadliest single massacre of Reconstruction. Most of the Black defenders were killed after surrendering. The Supreme Court overturned the convictions,and gutted federal power to prosecute racial violence for a century.

0-153
Black men killed
0
white attackers indicted
0
white attackers convicted
0
final convictions after Supreme Court
0
white men killed
0
years until the marker was changed

The sixty-second read

What was there. In April 1873, Grant Parish, Louisiana, was in the middle of a contested gubernatorial election. Both Republican and Democratic candidates claimed victory. In Colfax, the Republican slate,supported by local Black voters and Reconstruction officials,had been installed in the parish courthouse. Black militia occupied the courthouse to prevent a Democratic takeover.

What happened. On Easter Sunday, April 13, 1873, more than 300 armed white men,former Confederate soldiers, KKK members, and local Democrats,attacked the courthouse with rifles and a small cannon. After hours of siege, most of the roughly 60 Black defenders surrendered. They were executed. Nearly 50 more were killed that night after being held prisoner.

Who did it. An organized white paramilitary led by former Confederate officers. Many had been members of the White League, the Knights of the White Camelia, and the Ku Klux Klan. The operation was coordinated with the Louisiana Democratic Party's statewide campaign to overthrow Reconstruction by force.

What happened after. The federal government indicted 97 of the white attackers under the Enforcement Acts. Only nine were charged; three were convicted. The Supreme Court then overturned those convictions in United States v. Cruikshank (1876), ruling that the Fourteenth Amendment did not apply to actions by individuals,only to actions by states. The decision effectively gutted federal power to prosecute racial violence for nearly a century.

The full record

Grant Parish had been created by the Reconstruction-era Louisiana legislature in 1869, carved from Rapides Parish as a new Republican stronghold. It was named for Ulysses S. Grant. The parish seat, Colfax, was named for Grant's vice president, Schuyler Colfax. The naming itself was a political statement. The parish was majority Black. Its government was majority Black and Republican.

The Louisiana gubernatorial election of 1872 was one of the most contested in American history. Both the Republican candidate, William Pitt Kellogg, and the Democratic candidate, John McEnery, claimed victory. The White League and allied paramilitary groups organized across the state to install McEnery by force. In Grant Parish, the Republican slate,which included several Black officeholders,had been installed in the courthouse by federal district court order.

In late March 1873, rumors spread that white paramilitaries were planning to attack Colfax and install the Democratic slate. Roughly 150 local Black men,most of them freedmen, many of them Union Army veterans,gathered at the courthouse to defend the elected government. They dug earthworks around the courthouse. They kept a watch. They waited.

On the morning of Easter Sunday, April 13, 1873, more than 300 armed white men surrounded the courthouse. They were led by Christopher Columbus Nash, a former Confederate officer. They had rifles. They had a four-pound cannon, taken from a Confederate battery that had been recovered from a river after the war. The defenders had a handful of rifles and no artillery.

The siege lasted most of the day. By late afternoon, the white attackers had maneuvered the cannon into position to fire directly at the courthouse. Some attackers set fire to the courthouse roof. The defenders, facing death by fire, began to surrender. Most were killed as they emerged,shot at close range, or executed after surrender. Forty-eight more were taken prisoner and held overnight, then executed before dawn on Monday morning.

Three white men died. The exact number of Black men killed has never been established. The conservative historical estimate is 62. The upper estimate,based on contemporary Black testimony and later scholarship,is 153. Federal investigator James Beckwith, who arrived within days, wrote that he believed the true figure was closer to 100.

His descendants later became part of Louisiana's civil-rights legal network.

The named

Naming matters. A statistic is not a person. These are some of the humans inside the numbers, and, where possible, the descendants who kept their names alive.

William Ward

Survived

Black state senator from Grant Parish and captain of the Black militia that defended the Colfax courthouse. A Union Army veteran. Survived by being away from the courthouse during the attack. His political career ended with the massacre.

His descendants later became part of Louisiana's civil-rights legal network.

Levi Nelson

Survived

A Black defender of the courthouse who was shot and left for dead but survived. He testified at the trial of the Cruikshank defendants and became one of the named victims in the Supreme Court case that bears his attackers' names.

His testimony anchored the federal prosecution.

Alexander Tillman

Killed

One of the Black officeholders installed in the Colfax courthouse by federal court order. Killed while surrendering on April 13. His name appears in the federal indictment.

Christopher Columbus Nash

See record

Former Confederate officer who led the attack on the courthouse. Named in the federal indictment and convicted at trial. His conviction was overturned by the Supreme Court in Cruikshank. Died a free man.

Perpetrator. Never served a day in prison.

James Beckwith

See record

U.S. Attorney for Louisiana who led the federal prosecution of the Colfax perpetrators. Pursued the case at significant personal risk. His work produced the Cruikshank indictment that reached the Supreme Court.

Prosecuted the case. Lost it on appeal. Never stopped filing.

The aftermath

The federal government, under the Grant administration, took the massacre seriously. U.S. Attorney James Beckwith secured indictments against 97 of the white attackers. Nine were ultimately brought to trial. Three were convicted. The Cruikshank defendants appealed.

In United States v. Cruikshank (1876), the Supreme Court ruled that the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process and Equal Protection clauses applied only to state action,not to the actions of private individuals or groups. The convictions were overturned. The practical effect was to end federal prosecution of racial paramilitary violence for the next ninety years. The decision was not overturned until the civil-rights legislation of the 1960s.

Within two years of Cruikshank, the Compromise of 1877 ended Reconstruction. Federal troops withdrew from the South. Colfax's Black population was disarmed, disenfranchised, and reduced to sharecropping. Grant Parish became a reliably Democratic parish until the mid-twentieth century.

For more than a century, a state-erected historical marker at the Colfax courthouse site described the massacre as "the Colfax Riot" and claimed it "marked the end of carpetbag misrule in the South." A separate monument in the white cemetery honored the three white men who died as "Heroes who fell fighting for White Supremacy." The state marker was finally removed and replaced in 2021. The cemetery monument remains.

The Rise

What rose from Colfax

What rose from the wreckage. No page ends in darkness.

Cruikshank was overturned in legal effect by the civil-rights era,beginning with Shelley v. Kraemer (1948) and culminating in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Each of those laws was explicitly designed to restore federal power over racial violence that Cruikshank had stripped away.

The descendants of William Ward, Levi Nelson, and other Black defenders became part of Louisiana's civil-rights legal infrastructure through the twentieth century.

Historian Charles Lane's 2008 book The Day Freedom Died restored the Colfax Massacre to mainstream American historical awareness.

2021,The State of Louisiana removed the "Colfax Riot" historical marker, which had stood for 71 years, and replaced it with a new marker that accurately describes the event as a massacre.

The Colfax Heritage Committee, founded by descendants and local historians, maintains the historical record and has been working toward a full memorial park at the courthouse site.

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Academic citation

newBWS Editorial Team. "Colfax 1873: The Supreme Court Case That Ended Reconstruction." The Ledger, newBWS, 2026. https://ledger.newbws.com/ledger/record/colfax-1873

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Sources

  1. [1]Lane, Charles. The Day Freedom Died: The Colfax Massacre, the Supreme Court, and the Betrayal of Reconstruction. Henry Holt and Co., 2008.
  2. [2]Keith, LeeAnna. The Colfax Massacre: The Untold Story of Black Power, White Terror, and the Death of Reconstruction. Oxford University Press, 2008.
  3. [3]United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542 (1876).
  4. [4]Report of the Joint Select Committee on the Late Insurrectionary States. U.S. Congress, 1872.
  5. [5]Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. Harper & Row, 1988.
  6. [6]Louisiana State Museum. Colfax Massacre archival collection, New Orleans.
  7. [7]Rable, George C. But There Was No Peace: The Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction. University of Georgia Press, 1984.