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Wilmington 1898

Wilmington, North Carolina

An elected biracial government was overthrown at gunpoint. The perpetrators were celebrated as heroes. It remains the only successful coup d'état on American soil.

0-300
killed
0+
residents exiled
0
successful coup in U.S. history
0
armed men in the mob
0
years until state acknowledgment
0
year drop in Black voter registration

The sixty-second read

What was there. Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1898 was the largest city in the state and home to a thriving Black middle class. It had a biracial "Fusion" government elected through an alliance of Republicans and Populists. Three of its aldermen were Black. It had a Black-owned daily newspaper, the Wilmington Daily Record, and a rising Black professional class.

What happened. On November 10, 1898, two days after losing the statewide election, white supremacists led by former Congressman Alfred Moore Waddell marched on the city. They burned the offices of the Daily Record. They forced the elected mayor, aldermen, and police chief to resign at gunpoint. They installed themselves as the new government by noon.

Who did it. A group called the Secret Nine had planned the coup for months. Alfred Moore Waddell led the armed march and became the new mayor. The News and Observer, a Raleigh newspaper, ran months of inflammatory coverage preparing public opinion. The participants were celebrated as heroes across the state.

What happened after. More than 2,100 Black residents permanently fled the city. The biracial Fusion government was never restored. North Carolina passed a new constitution in 1900 that effectively disenfranchised Black voters until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The state did not officially acknowledge that a coup had occurred until 2006.

The full record

In 1898, Wilmington was a majority-Black city with a biracial government. The Fusion coalition, an alliance between the Republican Party and the Populist Party, had won statewide elections in 1894 and 1896 by uniting poor white farmers with Black voters around shared economic interests. It was a political realignment that threatened the Democratic Party's hold on the South.

Wilmington itself had become a showcase of Black prosperity. There were Black lawyers, doctors, bankers, contractors, and barbers. The police force was integrated. Three of the ten city aldermen were Black. The customs collector was Black. The city's only daily African American newspaper, the Wilmington Daily Record, was edited by Alex Manly, a light-skinned Black man whose grandfather had been governor of North Carolina.

This was intolerable to the Democratic Party establishment. The Raleigh News and Observer, edited by Josephus Daniels, began a deliberate campaign in the summer of 1898 to inflame white racial anxieties. The campaign was coordinated. The goal was explicit. Furnifold Simmons, chairman of the state Democratic Party, said openly that the aim was to "redeem" North Carolina for white supremacy.

A group of nine prominent Wilmington businessmen, known as the Secret Nine, met through the fall of 1898 to plan the overthrow of the city government. They were not a fringe faction. They were bankers, lawyers, and merchants who ran the city's economy. They coordinated with the state Democratic Party, purchased a Gatling gun, and formed a paramilitary group called the Red Shirts.

On election day, November 8, 1898, Democrats swept the state through a combination of voter intimidation and outright violence. That was the coup at the ballot box. But the Fusion government in Wilmington itself was elected on a different cycle and would not come up for election until 1899. The Secret Nine did not wait.

On November 10, Alfred Moore Waddell, a former Confederate officer and former U.S. Congressman, read the "White Declaration of Independence" at the Wilmington Light Infantry Armory. Waddell then led an armed mob of roughly 500 men to the offices of the Wilmington Daily Record. They burned the building to the ground. Alex Manly had already fled the city after receiving death threats.

Armed violence spread across the Black neighborhoods. Contemporaneous accounts describe bodies in the streets. The exact death toll has never been established. Historians estimate between 60 and 300 Black residents were killed. Many more fled into the swamps. A train conductor reportedly smuggled Black families out of the city hidden in freight cars.

By afternoon, the armed mob had forced the mayor, the aldermen, and the police chief to resign at gunpoint. Alfred Moore Waddell was installed as mayor before the end of the day. The entire city government was replaced with white supremacists who had been named in advance by the Secret Nine.

Relocated to Philadelphia. Lived until 1944.

The named

Naming matters. A statistic is not a person. These are some of the humans inside the numbers, and, where possible, the descendants who kept their names alive.

Alex Manlyage 32

Survived

Editor of the Wilmington Daily Record, the only Black-owned daily newspaper in the South. His grandfather had been a North Carolina governor. Escaped the city by train just hours before the mob arrived at his offices.

Relocated to Philadelphia. Lived until 1944.

Thomas C. Millerage 50

Exiled

Successful Black real estate investor and pawnbroker. Owner of significant property in Wilmington. Forced out of the city at gunpoint and banished.

Died a few years later, never having returned to his home.

Armond Scottage 25

Survived

Young Black attorney and member of the Wilmington professional class. Escaped the violence by hiding in a coffin being transported out of the city.

Became a distinguished judge in Washington, D.C.

John Dancyage 41

Exiled

Federal customs collector for the Port of Wilmington, one of the highest-ranking Black federal appointees in the South. Targeted specifically by the coup leadership as a symbol of Black federal authority.

Relocated. Remained a prominent national figure in Black institutional life.

Alfred Moore Waddellage 64

See record

Former Confederate officer and former U.S. Congressman. Led the armed march on the Daily Record. Installed himself as mayor by nightfall. Remained in power for years.

Perpetrator. Celebrated as hero in his lifetime. Died 1912.

The aftermath

In 1900, two years after the coup, North Carolina adopted a new state constitution with poll taxes, literacy tests, and a "grandfather clause" that effectively disenfranchised nearly every Black voter in the state. Black voter registration in North Carolina collapsed from 126,000 in 1896 to fewer than 6,000 by 1902. It did not recover until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

The Wilmington model became the template. Across the South, Democratic parties used a combination of paramilitary violence and legal disenfranchisement to destroy the Reconstruction-era biracial coalitions. Wilmington was the proof of concept. If a biracial government in the largest city in a Southern state could be overthrown in a single day, and the perpetrators celebrated as patriots, then every other Black political foothold in the South was in jeopardy.

The property of exiled Black residents was seized or sold under duress. The Black middle class of Wilmington never recovered its 1898 scale. The city, once majority Black, became majority white within a generation.

For more than a century, the coup was described in North Carolina textbooks as a "race riot" caused by Black aggression. The perpetrators had been allowed to write the history.

The Rise

What rose from Wilmington

What rose from the wreckage. No page ends in darkness.

2000,The 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission was established by the North Carolina General Assembly, the first official acknowledgment that there was something to investigate.

2006,LeRae Umfleet led the research. The Commission's 465-page report concluded definitively that November 10, 1898 was a coup d'état,the first time a U.S. state had officially used that word.

2008,The 1898 Memorial Park was dedicated in downtown Wilmington, designed by sculptor Ayokunle Odeleye, with six large bronze paddles representing the pillars of the destroyed community.

2021,David Zucchino won the Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction for Wilmington's Lie: The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy.

Today,Descendants of Alex Manly, John Dancy, Armond Scott, and other exiled families hold prominent positions in North Carolina public life. Wilmington has a growing Black professional class once again. The story is taught in public schools.

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Academic citation

newBWS Editorial Team. "Wilmington 1898: The Only Successful Coup in American History." The Ledger, newBWS, 2026. https://ledger.newbws.com/ledger/record/wilmington-1898

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Sources

  1. [1]1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission. Final Report. North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, May 31, 2006.
  2. [2]Umfleet, LeRae. A Day of Blood: The 1898 Wilmington Race Riot. North Carolina Office of Archives and History, 2009.
  3. [3]Zucchino, David. Wilmington's Lie: The Murderous Coup of 1898 and the Rise of White Supremacy. Atlantic Monthly Press, 2020. Winner, Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction, 2021.
  4. [4]Cecelski, David S. and Timothy B. Tyson, eds. Democracy Betrayed: The Wilmington Race Riot of 1898 and Its Legacy. University of North Carolina Press, 1998.
  5. [5]Prather, H. Leon Sr. We Have Taken a City: Wilmington Racial Massacre and Coup of 1898. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1984.
  6. [6]Waddell, Alfred Moore. "The Story of the Wilmington, N.C., Race Riots." Collier's Weekly, November 26, 1898. (Primary source,perpetrator account.)
  7. [7]New Hanover County Public Library. 1898 Collection, archival photographs and contemporaneous news accounts.
  8. [8]Wilmington 1898 Foundation. Oral histories and descendant interviews, ongoing collection.